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Succession debate in Kenya
By Jaluo dot Kom correspondents
In Kenya every second news headline or radio news
summary means a lot to the ordinary Kenyan since the succession debate
started heating up, Moi on his side is for Uhuru as his preferred
candidate to be flag bearer, on the other hand Rainbow Alliance is pushing
for a “free and fair” nomination process. On the other hand Moi is
pushing for FLEE and FLAIR. Above all the ball is still rolling on the New
Kanu side; the brave ones are fighting ahead though the cowards are
twisting their tails between their thighs to adore Mutukufu
Rais with his false promises.
In every game there are losers and winners; but in this case the losers
are the heroes for democracy; they are, JJ Kamotho, Prof. George Saitoti,
Omulo Fred Gumo and Odoyo Peter. These are the key allies of the Secretary
General Hon. Amolo Odinga.
The cowards are the winners and the deadly pest, which will kill our
sovereignty as a free state. The few greedy individuals are benefiting
from the current state of confusion. Below are opinions from the public:
HAVE WE REALLY EMBRACED PLURALISM
By Dr. Carey F. Onyango
Deputy Secretary-General
National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK)
It has been stated that the Rainbow Alliance' s stance in
KANU, initially spearheaded by Mr. Raila Odinga and his retinue of ex-NDPK
MPs, can be credited with opening up the democractic space within KANU. No
doubt at no time has a KANU supremo been so openly defied. But whether
that culture will become entrenched in KANU in posterity is another matter
altogether. It is indeed a high time we saw intra-democracy not just in
KANU but in other political parties as well. It may well be argued that
the development of political pluralism is directly proportional to the
rate of inculcation of the culture of internal democracy by political
parties. This is
crucial since political parties are the principal link between the mass
public and the institutions and processes of government.
If at all President Moi' s choice of Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta and the reactions
to that have led to some novelty in KANU, then it may also be argued that
they have led to a rethinking of political pluralism in some segments of
the country, notably in Luo land.
It can be argued that many people in that part of
the country have never really appreciated the re-introduction political
pluralism till now. This seems a somewhat paradoxical statement given the
key role played by people hailing from the region in the quest for a
reintroduction of political pluralism. The thing is that in 1992 and
upto-1997 it seemed to be an unwritten rule that there would be no other
political party in Luo land other than FORD-Kenya. In 1997 Mr. Raila
Odinga decamped to the NDPK and any Luo politician embracing a different
line of thinking was seen as something of a turncoat. Dissent in the NDPK
was hardly tolerated. It is difficult to imagine that the sort of dissent
Mr. Raila Odinga has spearheaded in KANU could have been countenanced in
the NDPK.
If one doubts this, then they should study the
treatment meted out to critics of the graduated policy of co-operation,
partnership, and the culminating merger. The case of Dr. Shem Ochuodho,
the only NDPK MP from Luo land who did not decamp to KANU, is worthy of
reference. He was constantly hounded and tormented in all sorts of manner.
The NDPK may not have been directly responsible for this, but his
opposition to the policy seems to have been the leitmotif for his eventual
landing in gaol on charges of alleged assault on Mrs Phelgona Okundi. Dr.
Ochuodho' s rejection of co-operation seemed to have so piqued supporters
of the NDPK that many were not even content with his prison stint. His
then lawyer James Orengo and sympathisers like NCEC's Prof. Kivutha
Kibwana were violently accosted outside the Kisumu law courts by youths
chanting NDPK slogans and the name of Raila Odinga. Orengo was later on to
be nearly maimed as a result of his activities under the Mageuzi umbrella.
Equally memorable is how at onetime Ufungamano
Constitutional Reform initiative commissioners, including the late and
then blinded Dr. Ooki Ooko
Ombaka, were so viciously attacked by youths chanting NDPK slogans and
"Agwambo", i.e. something like "strongman", a Luo
appellation often used by supporters of Raila Odinga in reference to him.
Initial co-operation critics like Mr. Oloo Aringo and Mr. Ochillo Ayacko
seemed to have
been compelled by harassment to retreat from that track. They must also
have been thinking about their re-election prospects. But just how dissent
was dealt with in the NDPK was graphically displayed in front of
cameras at Kisumu Town Hall when youths chanting NDPK slogans violently
attacked and dispersed a group of councillors who were opposed to what
they saw as Mr. Odinga' s attempt to impose Mr. Ahmed Shakeel Shabir as
mayor.
There are curious coincidences here with what is currently happening in
KANU. Just like Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta is only a nominated MP, Mr. Shabir is a
nominated councillor and it is said that there is along history between
his family and the Odingas. That Mr. Shabir has given some facelift to
Kisumu is not justification for the manner in which he was brought into
office. One could argue that there are lots of parallels between the
tactics of intimidation that President Moi seems to be using to push his
so-called "Uhuru Project" and those used by NDPK supporters to
push the policy of co-operation.
It is unclear who organised the Mungiki deluge in Nairobi, but the use of
such "shock troops" are scenarios that remind us of the actions
of the so-called Baghdad Boys in Kisumu.
To the credit of Messers Dr. Ochuodho, Mr. Orengo,
and even others like Prof. Anyang' Nyong' o, one hardly detects bitterness
in them, and neither are they eager to taunt the ex-NDPK people with the
"we told you so
adage".
A few weeks ago Mr. Raila Odinga and some key figures of the former NDPK
like Dr. Adhu Awiti seemed to be doing some damage control in the press in
regard to apparent widespread feelings in Luo land of having
been let down. They seemed at pains in attempting to explain that there
were no categorical promises of the presidency in the merger deal but
rather that what had been breached were principles, i.e. that Mr. Odinga
among others would be free to gun for the post.
Yet when the quest of a merger was hot and Mr. Odinga et. al. were made
cabinet ministers hints seemed to have been dropped that there was more in
store. Having landed in a helicopter in Kisumu Mr. Odinga is reported to
have told a frenzied crowd "mambo bado", probably meaning,
"there is more in store". The attempts at damage control are a
rational response to some deep soul searching in Luo land as to the
wisdom, if any, of co-operation, partnership, and merger. It is also
understandably about the disinclination and disenchantment with political
alternatives, and what one can call internal democracy in Luo land.
People should be asking why the cultural unity of peoples of Luo ethnic
dissent must be deemed as synonymous with political monolithism or
"monotheism". The so-called Luo Council of Elders for example is
all but what can be called an ex-NDPK Council of Elders. Its chair, Mr.
Riaga Ogallo, is a nominated KANU councillor from Kasipul Kabondo and a
known fanatical supporter of Mr. Odinga. There could have been no better
demonstration of the dangers of that school of thought than the current on
goings in KANU. Obviously Mr. Odinga seems to have alienated segments of
the community critical of his actions and surrounded himself with people
who could not but say yes to him. This denied him of a critical second
opinion at a time when the NDPK was embarking on an ostensibly high risk
venture.
It seems ironical that Jaramogi Oginga Odinga' s name is synonymous with
the quest for political pluralism and freedom in Kenya and that Luo land
has been so far been rather shy to embrace internal democracy. It needs be
stated here that Jaramogi himself is said to have been quite a tolerant
person who often sought out those with divergent views and those critical
of him so as to make amends with them.
Finally it needs to be remarked that all manner of epithet has been hurled
at President Moi for his current and past actions. But how many times have
the
critics been reflexive enough to pose in the mirror and examine their past
and present actions to see exactly where they stand? It will be difficult
to
attain genuine democracy in Kenya if there is not intra-party democracy
and if communities are shy to practice democracy. True democracts and
liberators must not only do as they preach, but they must also talk the
talk and walk the walk. Charity as we say must always begin at home.
WHO WAS JOMO KENYATTA?
by Harrison Wayoga
The peoples of the republic are today celebrating the 24th anniversary of
the Kenya's first president, but do we really know whom Kenyatta was? For
those who know him, Jomo Kenyatta was considered to be the
leading figure in Kenya's struggle to achieve the freedom of self
governance from the British colonial rule. For those who do not know him,
after reading this thread you will know whom Hayati Mzee Jomo Kenya was. I
would like to thank the Journal of the Third World Inc. edited by my
former professor Dr. Harold Isaacs PhD who is also the founder of the
Association of the Third World Studies (ATWS). for encouraging
me to dig into the life of my former president titled "Who
was Jomo Kenyatta?"
Not so much was written about Kenyatta's personal life other than his
own autobiography (Facing Mount Kenya) which didn't say very much
about his personal life. By the time this thread was
written, I had to delve deep into the archives of History. I
was able to compile most of what can be said to be of the person of
Jomo Kenyatta. Some areas that deals with Kenyatta's private
life, I will leave out for fear that his family may be compelled to
file a libelous suit against me. Those that are considered to be a
skeleton in the cupboard, I will not mention in this article.
Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Jomo Kenyatta has of recently revived
this name that many people are familiar with in a very controversial way.
The man who succeeded his father, President Daniel Arap Moi has
anointed him to be the republic's third president. However, Moi's
proposal opened a can of warms as soon as he revealed to Kenyans
that it will be the son of his predecessor whom he would like to coronate
as his successor after Moi himself who has ruled Kenya for 24 years
hang boots to retire to wait for his fate in the old age.
Constitutionally, Moi's term has expired and its time
he has to retire. However, the coronation of the son of a
former president "Jomo Kenyatta" has sparked off
protests from many sections of Kenyans including the peoples of
Agikuyu, Kenyatta's own tribe. Kenyans are certain that perhaps once again
the professor of politics has something under his sleeves.
Moi has always surprised Kenyans especially when elections are just around
the corner. Nobody knows what is really behind this coronation of U. K.
In the meantime, Uhuru Kenyatta himself has not come out to declare his
stand by putting out a clean cut resume like other candidates which will
convince the people of the republic that he is a man of his own and may
not appear to be pawned as such by Moi. But Uhuru seems to be drowning in
the flood of his father's sins against Kenyans.
Uhuru as a person may be good but parents needs to know that how
they lived their lives will someday always have effect on their
children, and that is what has befallen Uhuru Kenyatta. The
sins of his father are now haunting him and may deny him a chance to be
his own man.
Some of my friends who went to school with Uhuru Kenyatta at Amherst had
this to say, "Uhuru Kenyatta was a privileged
African Prince while studying in the United States. He was
indeed a very well spoilt kid". Spoiled kids in an
American Campus and Colleges are known to be party Animals,
binge drinkers, who do nothing but smoke weed and chase girls.
Uhuru has not been spared off this accusation of drinking. Kenyans are
quick to point out that only on their dead bodies would a whisky gushing, dope
smoking, money spending mama's boy, and a son of a former despot will be
allowed to rule them again. They had enough of his father, and they
have had enough of his father's replacement (Moi).
As we shall see in this chronology of the events of the
old Kenyatta's personal life, Uhuru's drinking habits are hereditary.
The following is a series of events of Kenyatta's life:
Jomo
Kenyatta was born in 1891, he was not sure of the month and the day
of his birth. In those days, the indigenous Kenyans did not obtain
birth certificates. Their calendar was in the form of events. Jomo
Kenyatta only remembered his birth day according to the events that
occurred in those times he was born.
The name Jomo Kenyatta was not actually his real name at birth, but he
adopted it to reflect his role. The word Jomo means
"the burning spear" and Kinyata refers to the beaded
belt that he constantly wore. Jomo Kinyata was later on corrupted into
Jomo Kenyatta. A name derived from Kiswahili word, Taa ya Kenya, meaning
"the light of Kenya"
Kenyatta was born in a village called Ngenda Gatundu division,
Kiambu district. His father's name was called Muigai, and his mother's
name was Wambui. In 1896, the father died, and according to the
Agikuyu customs, his mother was to remarry. This custom dictated that a
relative of the dead person must inherit the woman. In this case
therefore, Kenyatta's uncle, the younger brother of his father, inherited
Wambui. From this marriage, Wambui gave birth to James Muigai, Kenyatta's
half brother. Years later, Wambui broke up with Kenyatta's brother and
returned to her parents home where she died.
Kenyatta's name when he was a child was Kamau. He moved from his
birth place of Ngenda village to another village called Muthiga where he
lived with his grandfather, Kingu Magana, a fortune teller and a medicine
man. In 1909, Kenyatta joined the church of Scotland, Mission, Thogoto,
where he obtained an elementary education and carpentry training.
When he finished elementary school in 1912, he became an apprentice
carpenter.
The following are some Key events of his life:
1913- According to Kikuyu customs the young Kamau was circumcised at
Nyangara stream near Thogoto Mission to become a member of the Kihiu Mwiri/
Mebengi age group. In 1914- Kenyatta was christened as John Peter Kamau,
but he later changed his name to Johnstone Kamau. He then left his village
for Nairobi, the Capital to seek employment.
1915- He was employed on a sisal farm in Thika. He worked under John
Cook, a white Engineer who was previously his superior in the building
program at Thogoto. A year later Kenyatta became seriously ill, and
spurned help from the missionary doctor. He turned to his friend, Charles
Stokes at Tumu Tumu hospital who nursed him back to a good health.
In 1917- Kenyatta evaded forced recruitment in the Military and moved to
Narok where he worked for an Asian contractor. He continued to
wear a Maasai belt with his name appearing in the beading.
In 1918- Kenyatta returned to Nairobi to look for employment. He got a job
as a store keeper for Stephen Ellis and at the same time, took evening
classes at the Church Missionary Service Center. 1919- Kenyatta married
Grace Wahu in a Kikuyu ceremony. He became an interpreter in the Sub-Chief
Koi's land. Succumbing to colonial master, Kenyatta was ordered to appear
in a Nairobi court in 1920. In October of that year, he was arraigned
before the church elders charged to explain why he got married to Grace
Wahu without the church rites. In addition, he was accused of drinking
liquor (chang'aa).
The church elders then sentenced Kenyatta to marry legally before a
European Magistrate. Incidentally, in November of 1920, Wahu gave
birth to a baby boy whom they named Peter Muigai Kenyatta. The church
pardoned Kenyatta after he promised to refrain from drinking liquor.
Kenyatta and his family were living in Nairobi's Dagoretti Estate. Part of
their home was turned into a provisions shop which they called "Kinyatta
Store" This store became the meeting point for Kenyatta's
friends from different ethnic groups. This is the place colonial haters
like Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and James Beauttah frequently hanged
out.
In 1929 -Kenyatta secured a good job that paid him upto 250 Kenya
shillings per month. He was a store clerk and a water meter reader with
the City of Nairobi Municipal Council where John Cook was the
superintendent. Kenyatta then was able to buy a bicycle and was able to
build a house in Dagorreti. These accomplishment were very important in
those days.
At this point in his life, Kenyatta became involved in the independence
movement. Eventually, he ventured into politics by becoming a member of
the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) KCA led him to take an active
interest in politics along side James beauttah and Joseph Kang'ethe.
Kenyatta drafted and translated letters to the colonial government. He was
made secretary of KCA. Then in a colonial government recognized
civil ceremony, he married Grace Wahu.
Kenyatta accompanied KCA officials to give evidence to Hilton Young
Commission, on February 18, 1928. At this meeting, KCA was requesting that
the British administration return lands taken from the Kikuyu peoples. At
the same time daughter Margaret Wambui was born. In the month
of May, he became the editor of a Kikuyu weekly publication known as
Mwigithania, the reconciler. It was being printed by the Asian owned
press, in Nairobi. In June 1928, Kenyatta presented evidence before a
Legislative Council (LegCo) selected committee on land management. This
was in a continued effort to reclaim Kikuyu lands. He traveled
widely in Kikuyu land on his motorcycle setting up KCA branches.
Kenyatta through KCA support, was able to go to Britain to present African
grievances before a Colonial office. Mr. Isher Dass, an Indian leader and
a Legco member collected funds for this trip. On February 17th, Kenyatta
sailed from the port of Mombasa to Britain. Mr. Dass was also in the
same trip to present petition on behalf of the Indian Community in Kenya.
They arrived in Britain on March 8th. Kenyatta wrote an article in
English, titled "Give Back Our Land" which was
published on the British papers. Then he proceeded to visit Moscow the
Capital of Russia.
While still abroad, Kenyatta wrote a letter to colonial office and
registered his fear of being arrested when he return to Kenya. He also
wrote an article in the Times and the Manchester
Guardian about the unrest in Kenya.
In September 1930, Kenyatta returned to Kenya. When he reached Mombasa,
his wife and his comrade, Beauttah were there to meet him. Then Kenyatta
started to work for the Kikuyu independent schools in Githunguri. A year
later he left again for Britain to put forward KCA's view before a
parliamentary Commission. The Commission ignored him. Instead of coming
back home, Kenyatta enrolled at Quaker College in Wood Brooke.
During Easter of 1923 he completed his studies there. He then gave
evidence before the Carter land Commission. Visiting Russia for the second
time, he started a one year course at the University of Moscow. A fellow
radical called George Padmore of West Indies invited him to the
University.
In 1913- Padmore and Kenyatta got in trouble with the Russians- They were
kicked out and Kenyatta returned to Britain to resume his campaign for
Kenya. It was later while in Britain between 1934 and 1938 he was enrolled
at the University college of London. He then started to work on the
Barlow's Kikuyu dictionary. He studied at the London school of economics
where his mentor was professor Malinosky. Later Malinosky was to write the
forward for his book Facing Mount Kenya.
In 1966 -Kenyatta is said to have broken through a police cordon in a
London Railway station creating unrest to express solidarity with
Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. During those days, he was writing
letters and delivering lectures in an effort to continue Kenya's
pre-independence movement.
Kenyatta
traversed Europe as a young man, he was very ambitious. He used KCA as a
stepping stone to lead Kenya. His argument was that Kenyans need their
land occupied by Britain. He wanted Kikuyus to have their own schools.
This desire prompted him to write anthropological studies of his people as
well as an autobiography titled Facing Mt. Kenya which he penned
in 1938. This book was used by Kenyatta as a bible to preach the
independence of Kenya.
His anthropological publications were "My people Of Kikuyu"
and "The life of chief Wang'ombe" The later was
historical fiction/legend. In the 40s Kenyatta became a film actor as well
as a farm worker. In 1942 the movie star met an English governess lady
Edna Clerk, fell in love, and got married at Chancetonbury Registry Office
in West Sussex. A year later they had a son they named "Peter Magana
Kenyatta".
In 1945- Kenyatta was one of the organizers of the land mark Pan African
Congress in Manchester, England. Seizing the post war movements there were
a breed of young radicals like Kwame Nkuruma of Ghana who demanded a
full independence for Africa. When Kenyatta returned to Kenya in Sept of
1946 he was made the President of Kenya African Union (KAU) KAU was meant
to unify tribes. Kenyatta wanted voting rights, elimination of racial
discrimination, and the return of the tribal land.
British rejected these demands, then kaboom, Kikuyu tribal
militancy aka MAU MAU began the rein of terror. Brits called them
terrorists. British declared a state of emergency with Kenyatta
being accused as the man behind this group. Kenyatta, was a bit
skeptical when MAU MAU launched the English slaughtering. He had left a
White wife with a son in England. That was truly an awkward situation
for him but Brigadier Kagia and his commandos termed that as
Kenyatta's personal problem. No sympathies, no regrets.
You either lead, follow or get out of the way.
Brigadier Bildad Kagia was an educated no nonsense freedom fighter but
like Andrew Jackson in the America's civil war. Kagia was rough and
ready. Kenyatta had no way around him. Kenyatta had to marry a
local girl. Kenyatta was married to a Miss Grace Wanjiku, sister to Mbiu
Koinange, a daughter of the Snr. Chief Koinange. During those days,
Kenyatta was the head of the Kenya Teachers College Githunguri. He was
also busy forming mergers with his KAU group. The first KAU merger was
with Kenyan Indian Congress (KIC) in Nairobi where the fiery trade
Unionist Makhan Singh passed a resolution for the Freedom For East Africa.
In the same year, Kenyatta's wife Grace Wanjiku died at child birth.
In 1953 Kenyatta again married his fourth wife. This is the very
well known Ngina Nyokabi, the daughter of chief Muhoho and Nyokabi.
She became a very well known first lady. Kenyans called her and they
still call her Mama Ngina. In August 1952 Kenyatta addressed a mammoth KAU
in Kiambu. Later in that year he and mama Ngina had a daughter
"Christine Wambui" This was the time of great tension in
Kenya. Kenyatta was now fully behind MAU MAU.
MAU MAU was a revolutionary movement Kenyatta would have never stopped
their subterranean operations. Brigadier Bildad Kagia who was later on
executed by the British was in charge. KAU which Kenyatta led, had to
adhere to MAU MAU demands. October 22, 1952 emergency was declared and
Kenyatta was arrested under the Operation Jock Scot together with other
182 African leaders.
They were charged at Kapengurai with managing Mau Mau. Kenyatta's
defense consisted of no nonsense lawyers like D.N. Pritt,
a QC. Diwan Cham Lall, an Indian sent by Prime Minister Nehru, other
Indian Lawyers were F.R.S. Desouza, Kapila and Kapila, and a Nigerian
Advocate H.O. Davis Esq. However, Kenyatta was found guilty and sentenced
to seven years in prison with hard labor and indefinite restrictions
thereafter. He was imprisoned in a remote Northwestern Kenyan Lokituang'.
Kenyatta appealed the decision Q.C. Pritt exhausted all legal
arguments before a privy council, but the council rejected his appeal.
Even tho' they rejected his appeal, the Brits ascendancy was on the wane
and, with Ghana's independence in 1957, Kenya's drive towards nationhood
accelerated. KAU became a dominant black party of all tribes which
continued to fight. In 1959, Kenyatta completed his seven years sentence
at Lokituang but was restricted in Lodwar'. Mama Ngina and two daughters,
Christine and Margaret joined him there. That is also the time Kenyatta
had to testify against Crown witness Rawson Macharia whose evidence had
influenced the Kapenguria trial.
In 1960, Ambu Patel, a follower of Mahatma Gadhi, formed " Release
Jomo Committee" to whip up public support. In the month of march Ambu
held a huge demo in Kiambu to release Jomo and all his colleagues. A
public meeting of 25 thousand people was held in Nairobi, demanding Jomo's
release. The Nairobi Peoples Convention Party (NPCB) also wanted all
prisoner's released. In the meantime, Kenyatta was made Kenya African
National Union Party (KANU) in absentia. KANU was a party founded by
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Tom Mboya and Luke Obok. On March 1961 Jaramogi
and Mr. Moi visited Kenyatta in Lodwar.
After that Kenyatta was removed from Lodwar to Maralal with his
daughter Margaret. Like Nelson Mandela, the time that the whole world has
been waiting for has come. Kenyatta's time to meet the world press for the
first time in eight years was in Maralal. In August 14th he was
taken to his home Gatundu Kiambu where he was greeted with a hero's
welcome. September 3rd he was greeted in Mombasa and on the 10th of
september 100 thousand Indians welcomed him in Nairobi. At this juncture,
Oct 28, 1961 he was made official KANU leader with Jaramogi and
co-founders fully in support of his leadership. Following this,
Kenyatta led a delegation to Lancaster House conference London. When they
got back to Kenya in May, 1963 elections occurred between the 11th
and the 26th. Kenyatta and KANU romped to victory.
In June 1st of 1963 Kenyatta formed a state government on Madaraka,
Independence day as the Prime Minister with Jaramogi as the VP. His
government convinced the Whites to work for a free Kenya and to
"forgive and forget". Dec 12 th 963 Mama Ngina gave birth to a
baby boy named Muigai- but when a prominent politician J. Murumbi
went to see him, he suggested that they call him Uhuru meaning freedom.
That is how he became to be Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta. In 1964 Uhuru had a
younger brother called Muhoho. Dec 12 1964 Kenyatta officially became the
first president of the Republic (Jamhuri day).
It is said that during the tenure of Kenyatta's presidency, the man who
was loved and adored by his people turned out to be a despot. There was
chaos within the hierarchy. Kenyatta was accused of corruption, high
handedness, land grabbing etc. In April 1966, his VP Jaramogi broke away
from Kenyatta and KANU the party. Jaramogi surrenderd his public office as
a VP, announcing to Kenyans he could not possibly work with Kenyatta and
therefore, he is no longer going to support governement policies at home
and abroad. When he launched another party, Kenyatta went nuts calling him
names such as a "communist minded pawn of the east, a subversive
influence and a tribalist. Jaramogi responded by publishing his book
"Not Yet Uhuru" meaning " Not yet
freedom"
Kenyatta as a president, favored his tribesmen and friends (apologists) he
would give them key government posts. Most of MP's were excluded from the
national decision-making. Kenyatta retreated from the people and from
those who supported him. He did not consult his Juniors for key decision
making and the supposedly to be the democratic process succumbed to
dictatorship. Kenyatta was allergic to criticism or just a mere
correction. His regime became ruthless assassinating those who were
opposed to him.
Those who raised any questions were convicted as of communist minded and
pro-easterners. In 1966 he suffered a severe heart attack. In 1968 he
published a bio titled "Suffering
Without Bitterness" In 1970, he was sworn
in for the second time as the republic's president. In 1972 Kenyatta
addressed a huge public rally to tell them about threats in his life. One
year later he married daughter Jeni off to Udi Gechaga. In 1974 Kenyatta
was installed again for the 3rd time as the republics president. In 1977
he suffered another severe heart attack. That was just one year to his
17th anniversary of his release from prison. Vice president Moi was
always by his side. Even tho' Moi was not from Kenyatta's tribe, he was
one of his staunch apologists. He did everything Kenyatta said.
In Aug 1978 was the 17th anniversary and Kenyatta hosted a huge family
reunion in Mombasa. His son with the former British wife, governess Edna
Clerk, "Peter Mugaria and his family flew in from Britain" On
the 22nd Kenyatta died in his sleep while still in Mombasa in the presence
of his family. Kenyatta was given a state burial which was attended by the
heads of states and royalties. Many came to witness his burial in a
mausoleum built within the parliamentary precincts in Nairobi.
Up to this day, Kenyatta's mausoleum is still guarded by the military
personnel 24/7 with a flame that continuously burning on tax payers
expense 24/7 Tax payers are feeling exhausted, the flames
have been burning for the last 24 years now. When will tax payers be able
to remove that unnecessary burden off their back, and what will happen
suppose the people of the republic happen to have a number of dead
presidents with similar treatment?
Kenyatta's right hand man VP Daniel Arap Moi replaced him in 1978.
President
Moi the VP of Kenyatta followed in the footsteps of his predecessor,
a term he coiled nyayo meaning footsteps. He inherited all
Kenyatta's enemies, outspoken members of the opposition, dictatorship,
corruption, assassination, use and dump, arrest, detain, send in
exile, promote, demote, and above all he inherited Kenyatta's family.
Kenyatta's children grew up knowing president Moi as an uncle. They grew
up calling him uncle Dan. Moi is still ruling Kenya on KANU party. With
lots of pressure from within and outside kenya, he legalized multiparty in
1991 followed by elections in 1992 which Moi emerged the winner. He also
won the 1997 elections with a landslide. Like his mentor Kenyatta,
president Moi is a master of political gimmickry. He knows which strings
to pull, earning him a name of professor of politics.
Now President Moi is bound to retire at the end of his two term. The
game has just been kicked off on who to succeed him. President Moi himself
has picked on Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of his predecessor and blessed him
to succeed him. The question many Kenyans are asking is as good as
every one would guess, what is this all about? What did Moi promise
Kenyatta on his death bed? And can Uhuru Kenyatta be a good
president? Will the people of the republic elect him or will Moi impose
him on them? Will the republic's next election be counted as fair and
democratic, and if so why is Uhuru having a mile start ahead of other
players? You be the judge.
History is re-writing itself again, Jaramogi's own son Raila in this
race, he has already tabled his clean cut resume infront of the
people of the republic to decide whether or not he can deliver. Sons
of other prominent leaders are in the race too while some already dropped
out. Like they say" not only those who run a head of the race are
likely to finish". Uhuru is getting a head start, yes, but will
his inexperiences and the sins of his father allow him to deliver?
Uhuru is a dwarf on the giants shoulder, yes, but he needs to see further
than the giant himself.
Harrison Wayoga
Journal
of the Third World Inc.
Americus, GA.
(c)
all rights reserved.
Moi Set To Anoint His Son Next Week
The People Daily
Friday,
September 13, 2002 Close Story
Page 1
News
THE Uhuru Kenyatta - for- Presidency project scales new heights
on Saturday, September 21 when President Moi returns to his Baringo
Central constituency to anoint his favourite son and key member of the
project, Gideon Moi, as the next area MP.
The ceremony, to be presided over by influential Kalenjin elders will be
used as the launching pad for the young Moi's political career. President
Moi is expected to pass over the leadership baton to his son during the
ceremony that is expected to draw a wide attendance and herald a new
dimension to the Moi succession jigsaw puzzle.
The ceremony comes barely days after the local government minister Uhuru
Kenyatta was similarly anointed by Maasai and Kalenjin elders during a
landmark political rally that was held at Nakuru's Afraha Stadium, a week
ago.
At the Nakuru rally, the elders blessed Uhuru and told him to take courage
and remain steadfast as he prepares to take aver leadership from Moi.
According to reliable
sources, the function to be held at Moi' s Kabarnet home will be preceded
by traditional Kalenjin songs and prayers from a number of clergymen.
We were not able to reach Gideon far his comments on the matter.
However his eldest brother Phillip confirmed that the event will be held
an
the said date and attended by prominent people among them President Moi.
About 20 cabinet ministers,
their assistants, several Kanu legislators and business magnates are
expected to attend the historic rally.
Said Phillip: "The ceremony is there on September 21. We are prepared
for it and I will personally attend. Even Mzee will be there to witness
how Gideon will be endorsed and given the mantle to vie far the Baringo
Central seat."
He added: "We expect a lot of people to attend because this will
definitely be a major event in Kenya's political history."
Significantly, it is in
Baringo district where Uhuru Kenyatta
informally launched his campaign bid for the presidency almost a year ago.
Then he presided aver a major fundraiser in aid of Baringo Central
Education fund during which a total of Shs18 million was realised.
Gidean is said to be at the centre of the succession battle which has
currently split the ruling party down the middle. It is understood that
the influential and immensely wealthy Nairobi businessman will take a
senior ministerial position in the Uhuru Kenyatta government once elected
to parliament.
By early last week, the mobilization team led by Nairobi businessman and
Gideon's confidante, Bartanja Chesaina, former Kenya Football Federation
boss, Sam Nyamweya, and Kenya Pipeline Company director, Caleb Kasitany,
had embarked an plans an how people will be ferried from
different parts of the country to witness the ritual performance.
Several lorries and buses will be dispatched to the rural areas to carry
the younger supporters and those sympathetic to the Uhuru-for-presidency
campaign.
Interestingly, the Cooperative Bank of Kenya chairman Hosea Kiplagat who
was equally eyeing the seat, is now said to have stepped down in favour of
Gideon. Kiplagat, who is the Baringo Kanu branch executive officer, is
expected to make his position known during the Kabarnet meeting.
State Hause Comptroller John
Lokaria is expected to take on the former roads and public works minister
Andrew Kiptoon far the Baringo North
seat.
ECLIPS service from MediaAfrica, a division of Mercury
Technologies.
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